១០ ចំណុច ដែលត្រូវពិចារណា ដើម្បីស្តារលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ នៅកម្ពុជា និងបញ្ចៀសទណ្ឌកម្មពាណិជ្ជកម្ម ពីសហភាពអឺរ៉ុប / TEN POINTS TO RESTORE DEMOCRACY IN CAMBODIA AND AVOID EUROPEAN COMMERCIAL SANCTIONS

ចែករំលែក ៖​

៣០ វិច្ឆិកា ២០១៩ / 30 November 2019 - Moment of truth for Cambodia (*) - Moment de vérité pour le Cambodge (**)

ថ្ងៃដែលការពិតត្រូវបែកធ្លាយនៅកម្ពុជា

១០ ចំណុច ដែលត្រូវពិចារណា ដើម្បីស្តារលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅកម្ពុជា និងបញ្ចៀសទណ្ឌកម្មពាណិជ្ជកម្ម ពីសហភាពអឺរ៉ុប

១- ហ៊ុន សែន ចង់ក្តោបក្តាប់អំណាចមួយជីវិត ហើយចង់ផ្ទេរអំណាចនេះ ទៅឲ្យកូនគាត់បន្តទៀត ពីព្រោះគាត់ត្រូវការនិទណ្ឌភាព គឺការគេចផុតពីការកាត់ទោស។ មានតែអំណាចផ្តាច់ការទេ ដែលអាចធានានិទណ្ឌភាព ឲ្យ ហ៊ុន សែន។ បុគ្គលនេះ ត្រូវការនិទណ្ឌភាព ពីព្រោះគាត់បានប្រព្រឹត្តបទឧក្រិដ្ឋជាច្រើន តាំងពីគាត់បានឡើងកាន់អំណាច ជាង ៣០ ឆ្នាំមកហើយ។

២- ហ៊ុន សែន កាន់តែភ័យឡើងៗ ពីការបាត់បង់អំណាច ដោយឃើញប្រជាប្រិយភាពគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ កាន់តែកើនឡើងៗ។

៣- ចំនួនសម្លេងឆ្នោតដ៏សន្ធឹកសន្ធាប់ (៤៤ ភាគរយ ក្រោយពីការលួចបន្លំសន្លឹកឆ្នោត ពីសំណាក់គណបក្សកាន់អំណាច) ដែលគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិទទួលបាន ក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិ ខែកក្កដា ២០១៣ និងការបោះឆ្នោតឃុំ-សង្កាត់ ខែមិថុនា ២០១៧ បានធ្វើឲ្យ ហ៊ុន សែន ស្លន់ស្លោមែនទែន ដែលជាហេតុនាំឲ្យគាត់សម្រេចរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ដើម្បីកុំឲ្យគណបក្សនេះចូលរួមការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិ ខែកក្កដា ២០១៨។

៤- ការរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ដោយអត្តនោម័ត ក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ បង្ហាញថា ហ៊ុន សែន មិនហ៊ានលេងល្បែងប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ តទៅទៀតទេ ហើយ ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏បង្ហាញពីសារជាតិគាត់ជាជនផ្តាច់ការ ដោយមិនអៀនខ្មាស។

៥- ការចោទប្រកាន់លោក កឹម សុខា ដោយគ្មានមូលដ្ឋាន ពីបទក្បត់ជាតិ គឺគ្រាន់តែជាលេស ដែល ហ៊ុន សែន បានប្រើប្រាស់ ដោយឥតអៀនខ្មាស ដើម្បីចាប់ឃុំឃាំងលោក កឹម សុខា រំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ និងប្លន់តំណែងដែលគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ទទួលបានពីការបោះឆ្នោត ឆ្នាំ ២០១៣ និង ២០១៧។

៦- អំពើព្រៃផ្សៃរបស់ ហ៊ុន សែន បាននាំមកនូវការថ្កោលទោសជាច្រើន ពីសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិ។ ជាពិសេស សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប តម្រូវឲ្យ ហ៊ុន សែន ដោះលែងលោក កឹម សុខា ទម្លាក់ចោលរាល់ការចោទប្រកាន់មកលើលោក កឹម សុខា និងថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដទៃទៀត ហើយប្រគល់សងតំណែងទាំងអស់ដែល ហ៊ុន សែន បានប្លន់ពីគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ។ សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប ក៏ទាមទារផងដែរ ឲ្យ ហ៊ុន សែន រៀបចំយន្តការប្រជាធិបតេយ្យឡើងវិញ ជាពិសេស បើកផ្លូវឲ្យគណបក្សប្រឆាំង ដំណើរការឡើងវិញ។ ក្នុងកាលៈទេសៈបច្ចុប្បន្ន មិនមានគណបក្សប្រឆាំងណា ក្រៅពីគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិទេ ដែលទទួលបានការគាំទ្រយ៉ាងអធិកអធម ពីប្រជារាស្ត្រខ្មែរ។

៧- ការទាមទាររបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុបខាងលើនេះ ត្រូវបាន ហ៊ុន សែន ប្រឆាំងដាច់ខាត ពីព្រោះគាត់ខ្លាចបាត់បង់អំណាច និងបាត់បង់និទណ្ឌភាព។ ល្បិចរបស់ ហ៊ុន សែន ដែលខ្លាចជាទីបំផុត គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដំណើរការឡើងវិញ គឺគាត់ចង់បំបែក កឹម សុខា ពី សម រង្ស៊ី ដើម្បីប្រាប់ទៅសហភាពអឺរ៉ុបវិញថា មិនចាំបាច់ទាមទារឲ្យគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដំណើរការឡើងវិញទេ ពីព្រោះគណបក្សនេះ កំពុងតែបែកបាក់គ្នា និងកំពុងតែរលាយដោយខ្លួនឯង។

៨- ទាំង កឹម សុខា ទាំង សម រង្ស៊ី យល់ច្បាស់អំពីល្បិចរបស់ ហ៊ុន សែន ខាងលើនេះ ហើយនៅតែរួមកម្លាំងគ្នាជានិច្ច ដើម្បីទាមទារឲ្យគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដំណើរការឡើងវិញ ទោះជាលោក កឹម សុខា មិនអាចនិយាយខ្លួនឯងបានយ៉ាងដូច្នេះ នៅពេលនេះ ក៏ដោយ។

៩- ដំណឹងល្អ គឺ ហ៊ុន សែន មិនអាចបង្ហាញភស្តុតាងអ្វី ឬសាក្សីណា ដែលសហភាពអឺរ៉ុប អាចជឿបាន ហើយដែលបញ្ជាក់ថាលោក កឹម សុខា បានធ្វើអ្វីខុស ដូច ហ៊ុន សែន ចោទប្រកាន់។ ដូច្នេះ ពេលណា ហ៊ុន សែន ត្រូវទទួលស្គាល់ថាលោក កឹម សុខា គ្មានទោសពៃរ៍អ្វីទេ ពេលនោះ ហ៊ុន សែន ត្រូវយល់ព្រម ឲ្យគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដំណើរការឡើងវិញ ដោយស្វ័យប្រវត្តិ។

១០- បើ ហ៊ុន សែន មានះយកលោក កឹម សុខា ទៅកាត់ទោស ទោះបីលោក កឹម សុខា មិនបានធ្វើខុសអ្វីឡើយ ហើយក្រោយពីការកាត់ទោស បើ ហ៊ុន សែន ស្នើឲ្យព្រះមហាក្សត្រលើកលែងទោសក្លែងក្លាយ ឲ្យលោក កឹម សុខា យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក៏សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប មិនអាចទទួលយកដំណោះស្រាយសម្រាប់បុគ្គលម្នាក់ ជាបាយឡុកបាយឡបែបនេះបានទេ ពីព្រោះវាមិននាំមកនូវការស្តារលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យឡើងវិញឡើយ។ ហ៊ុន សែន កំពុងតែទាល់ច្រក ពីព្រោះគាត់ជាប់អន្ទាក់ ដែលគាត់បានដាក់ខ្លួនឯង។

សម រង្ស៊ី
សហស្ថាបនិក អតីតប្រធាន និងជាប្រធានស្តីទី គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ

ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិបច្ចុប្បន្ន ដែលស្ថិតនៅក្រៅប្រទេស មានជាអាទិ៍ ប្រធានស្តីទី ដែលត្រូវបានតែងតាំង បន្ទាប់ពីប្រធាន កឹម សុខា ត្រូវបាន ហ៊ុន សែន ចាប់ឃុំឃាំង ព្រមទាំងអនុប្រធាន ២ រូប (លោកស្រី មូរ សុខហួរ និងលោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង) ក្នុងចំណោមអនុប្រធាន ៣ រូប (លោក ប៉ុល ហំម មិនហ៊ាននិយាយស្តីអ្វីទេ ពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជា)។ ថែមពីលើនេះ មានសមាជិកគណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍ ១៥ រូបលើ ២៥ ដែលកាន់តំណែង តាំងពីមុន ឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ ក្នុងនោះមានទាំងអនុប្រធាន ២ រូបខាងលើ ផងដែរ។


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(*) Moment of truth for Cambodia

Paris, 30 November 2019

TEN POINTS TO RESTORE DEMOCRACY IN CAMBODIA AND AVOID EUROPEAN SANCTIONS

The political crisis in Cambodia has worsened since 2017. Until then, the authoritarian and repressive regime of Prime Minister Hun Sen was still able to present an image of stability behind a façade of democracy, which hid a handcuffed opposition, manipulated elections and an obedient justice system. But this misleading façade quickly collapsed with the arrest in September 2017 of the leader of the opposition Kem Sokha and the dissolution in November 2017 of the only parliamentary opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) which Kem Sokha had founded with Sam Rainsy in 2012.

Since 2013 the CNRP had the support of almost half of the electorate. Its dissolution was followed in July 2018 by highly controversial elections in which, thanks to the elimination of the CNRP, Hun Sen’s party was able to take all of the seats in the national assembly. This return to a single-party system signalled a death of democracy that could no longer be hidden. It constitutes a violation of the Paris accords of 1991 which guarantee a system of "liberal and pluralist" democracy for Cambodia.

In the face of this lurch into totalitarianism, the international community, with the exception of China, reacted with condemnation. But the strongest reaction came from the European Union, which issued a kind of ultimatum to Cambodia in urging the country to re-establish democratic mechanisms before 12 December 2019, or face the suspension of the trading advantages which are vital for the Cambodian economy known as “Everything but Arms" (EBA).

Cambodia now faces a moment of truth and a decisive choice which revolves around the ten following points:

1- Hun Sen will not easily accept to give up power of his own will. Accustomed to autocratic power since 1985 and having committed many reprehensible acts in the course of his long rule, he is seeking at any price to ensure the impunity that only power can guarantee. As he grows older, he aims to conserve this power within his family and is preparing one of his sons, Hun Manet, to succeed him. Increasingly guided by fear, he seems determined to implement his plan to hold and pass on power as he wishes, regardless of the views of the Cambodian people and the international community.

2- In the face of the rise of the united democratic opposition represented by the CNRP, symbolised by the partnership between Kem Sokha and Sam Rainsy and strongly supported by a youth impatient for change in a country classed among the most authoritarian, poor and corrupt in the world, Hun Sen has no other option but to intensify the repressive nature of his regime.

3- The most recent spectacular performances of the opposition, which won 44% of votes in the legislative elections of July 2013 and the local elections of June 2017, despite the many irregularities favouring the ruling party, forced Hun Sen’s hand and led him to order the dissolution of the CNRP.

4- The developments of 2017 do not simply signify a change of the rules of the political game, but a change of the game, imposed by Hun Sen. The authoritarian leader has brutally rejected democracy and no longer bothers to keep up a façade for appearances.

5- A false accusation of "treason" made against Kem Sokha served as the pretext for his arrest and the dissolution of the CNRP. This dissolution entailed the banning of 118 CNRP leaders from all political activity and the confiscation of the elected posts which the CNRP had obtained through universal suffrage. These posts which the opposition had won, nationally and locally, were redistributed to supporters of the ruling party.

6- Faced with this negation of universal suffrage and this rejection of fundamental democratic principles and mechanisms, the European Union demands a reversal of course and the cancellation of all the repressive measures taken by the Hun Sen regime since 2017: the ending of the restrictions on the freedom of Kem Sokha, the dropping of all charges made against him and other CNRP leaders, the return of the elected positions that were wrongly confiscated and the restoring of fundamental democratic mechanisms, necessitating the presence and participation of a real opposition in the country’s political life. In current circumstances, the CNRP is the only credible opposition party, because it is the only one to have clear, unquestionable popular legitimacy.

7- The demands of the European Union face resistance in the form of the ferocious will of Hun Sen to preserve his absolute power. Hun Sen correctly identifies the democratic opposition, united under the banner of the CNRP, as the principal threat to his regime. Therefore, he seeks to destroy the CNRP by any means. He is now putting pressure on Kem Sokha – who is today still in the position of a hostage – to try to make him break his alliance with Sam Rainsy, so leading to a fatal division of the democratic opposition.

8- Neither Kem Sokha nor Sam Rainsy are fooled by Hun Sen’s manoeuvres. Both understand the overriding necessity of standing united so that the cause of democracy will prevail. This union can only continue in the context of a CNRP that has to be legally reinstated, leading to the fundamental and legitimate demand of Cambodian democrats for the rehabilitation and reactivation of the CNRP.

9- Since Kem Sokha has been wrongly accused of "treason" and "collusion" with the United States to overthrow the Phnom Penh regime by violent and illegal means – an accusation without foundation which served as a pretext for Hun Sen to dissolve the CNRP – the rehabilitation of the CNRP and all its leaders cannot, logically, pose a problem: it must automatically follow from the rehabilitation of Kem Sokha himself once his innocence is recognised. A virtuous cycle of rehabilitation must replace the vicious cycle of repression.

10- This will lead to the moment of truth. Hun Sen will finally have to demonstrate logic and good faith. The truth is that Hun Sen is trapped by his own hand, because cynicism has its limits. The accusation of "treason" against Kem Sokha, which is at the origin of the repressive measures taken by Hun Sen since 2017, is in the process of falling apart. Hun Sen must himself recognise that there is no serious evidence to support this accusation. A judge under the orders of the executive has just declared – after finding nothing conclusive in over two years – that the Kem Sokha investigation has ended. Hun Sen must therefore either absolve Kem Sokha and lift all restrictions on his rights and liberties, so fully rehabilitating him, or very quickly organise a judicial farce to condemn Kem Sokha for an imaginary crime, which would be unacceptable to the European Union. Even if a conviction of Kem Sokha were to be followed by a royal pardon, such a personal arrangement would not re-establish democracy or the rule of law. This will also be the moment of truth for the European Union, which will have to demonstrate whether or not it respects the norms of truth, justice and democracy, which form part of the set of values which it presents to the whole world.

Sam Rainsy
Co-founder, former president and current interim president, CNRP.

The management team of the CNRP, currently in exile abroad, is made up of the interim party president appointed after the arrest of leader Kem Sokha, two of the party's three vice presidents (Mu Sochua and Eng Chhai Eang), and fifteen of the twenty-five members of the party's permanent committee who have held their posts since before the arbitrary and illegal dissolution of the party by Hun Sen in 2017.

_____________________________

(**) Moment de vérité pour le Cambodge

Paris, le 30 novembre 2019

DIX POINTS POUR RESTAURER LA DEMOCRATIE AU CAMBODGE ET EVITER LES SANCTIONS EUROPEENNES

Depuis 2017 la crise politique au Cambodge a pris un nouveau tournant pour le pire. Jusque-là, le régime autoritaire et répressif du Premier Ministre Hun Sen pouvait présenter une image de stabilité derrière une façade de démocratie qui occultait une opposition ligotée, des élections manipulées et une justice aux ordres. Mais cette façade trompeuse s'est brusquement effondrée avec l'arrestation en septembre 2017 du chef de l'opposition Kem Sokha et la dissolution en novembre 2017 du seul parti d'opposition parlementaire, le CNRP que Kem Sokha avait fondé avec Sam Rainsy en 2012.

A partir de 2013 le CNRP a obtenu le soutien de presque la moitié du corps électoral. Sa dissolution a été suivie par l'organisation en juillet 2018 d'élections législatives très controversées au cours desquelles le parti de Hun Sen a raflé la totalité des sièges à l'Assemblée nationale grâce précisément à l'élimination -- juste avant la compétition électorale -- du CNRP qui était son seul vrai concurrent. Ce retour à un système de parti unique signale la mort de la démocratie sans plus aucune possibilité de dissimulation et constitue une violation des Accords de Paris de 1991 qui garantissent pour le Cambodge un système de "démocratie libérale et pluraliste".

Face à cette dérive totalitaire la communauté internationale, à l'exception de la Chine, a réagi avec maintes condamnations. La plus forte réaction est venue de l'Union Européenne qui a lancé une sorte d'ultimatum au Cambodge en l'enjoignant de rétablir les mécanismes démocratiques avant le 12 décembre 2019 sous peine d'une suspension d'avantages commerciaux vitaux pour l'économie cambodgienne connus sous le nom "Tout Sauf les Armes".

Le Cambodge est maintenant confronté à un moment de vérité et à un choix décisif qui s'articule autour des dix points suivants:

1- Hun Sen n'acceptera pas facilement de céder le pouvoir de son plein gré. Habitué à un pouvoir autocratique depuis 1985 et ayant commis beaucoup d'actes répréhensibles au cours de son long règne, il cherche à tout prix à s'assurer une impunité que seul le pouvoir peut lui garantir. Avançant en âge, il veut conserver ce pouvoir au sein de sa famille et prépare un de ses fils, Hun Manet, à lui succéder. De plus en plus guidé par la peur, il paraît déterminé à réaliser son plan de garder et de transmettre le pouvoir comme il l'entend, sans se soucier de l'avis du peuple cambodgien ni de l'opinion publique internationale.

2- Devant la montée de l'opposition démocratique unie représentée par le CNRP, symbolisée par le couple Kem Sokha-Sam Rainsy et largement soutenue par une jeunesse impatiente de changement dans un pays classé parmi les plus autoritaires, les plus pauvres at les plus corrompus du monde, Hun Sen n'a d'autres moyens que d'accentuer le côté répressif de son régime.

3- Les dernières performances spectaculaires de l'opposition qui a recueilli 44% des voix aux élections législatives de juillet 2013 comme aux élections locales de juin 2017, et cela malgré de nombreuses irrégularités en faveur du parti au pouvoir, ont pris Hun Sen de court et l'ont conduit à ordonner la dissolution du CNRP en novembre 2017.

4- Le tournant de 2017 ne signifie pas simplement un changement des règles du jeu politique, mais carrément un changement de jeu imposé par Hun Sen qui rejette soudainement et brutalement le jeu démocratique et ne se soucie plus d'une quelconque façade pour préserver les apparences.

5- Une accusation fallacieuse de "trahison" portée à l'encontre de Kem Sokha a servi de prétexte à son arrestation et à la dissolution du CNRP. Cette dissolution a entraîné le bannissement de 118 dirigeants du CNRP de toutes activités politiques et la confiscation de tous les postes électifs que le CNRP avait obtenus par le suffrage universel. Ces postes gagnés par l'opposition aux niveaux national et local ont été redistribués aux partisans du parti au pouvoir.

6- Face à cette négation du suffrage universel et à ce rejet des principes et mécanismes démocratiques fondamentaux, l'Union Européenne exige pratiquement le renversement et l'annulation de toutes les mesures répressives prises par le régime Hun Sen depuis 2017: levée des restrictions sur la liberté de Kem Sokha, abandon de toutes les accusations prononcées contre lui et les autres dirigeants du CNRP, restitution des postes électifs indûment confisqués et rétablissement des mécanismes démocratiques fondamentaux nécessitant la présence et la participation d'une véritable opposition dans la vie politique du pays. Dans les circonstances actuelles, le CNRP représente le seul parti d'opposition crédible parce que, face au pouvoir, il est le seul à bénéficier d'un soutien et d'une légitimité populaires incontestables.

7- Les exigences de l'Union Européenne se heurtent à la volonté farouche de Hun Sen de préserver son pouvoir absolu. A juste titre, Hun Sen perçoit l'opposition démocratique unie sous la bannière du CNRP comme la principale menace à son régime. Il continue donc à chercher à anéantir le CNRP par tous les moyens. Maintenant Hun Sen est en train de faire pression sur Kem Sokha -- qui se trouve encore à ce jour dans la position d'un otage -- pour l'amener à briser l'alliance Kem Sokha-Sam Rainsy, provoquant ainsi une division fatale de l'opposition démocratique.

8- Ni Kem Sokha ni Sam Rainsy ne sont dupes des manoeuvres de Hun Sen. Tous les deux comprennent l'impérieuse nécessité de rester unis pour faire triompher la cause de la démocratie. Cette union ne peut se poursuivre que dans le cadre d'un CNRP légalement restauré, d'où la demande fondamentale et légitime des démocrates cambodgiens d'une réhabilitation et réactivation du CNRP.

9- Parce que Kem Sokha a été injustement accusé de "trahison" et de "collusion" avec les Etats-Unis pour renverser le régime de Phnom Penh par des moyens violents et illégaux -- accusation sans fondement qui a servi de prétexte à Hun Sen pour dissoudre le CNRP -- la réhabilitation du CNRP et de tous ses dirigeants ne devra pas -- en toute logique -- poser de problème: elle devra se faire automatiquement dès lors que Kem Sokha lui-même sera réhabilité après la reconnaissance de son innocence. Un cercle vertueux de la réhabilitation devra venir remplacer le cercle vicieux de la répression.

10- C'est alors que viendra le moment de vérité. Hun Sen devra enfin faire preuve de logique et de bonne foi. La vérité est que Hun Sen est pris à son propre piège car le cynisme a des limites. L'accusation de "trahison" portée à l'encontre de Kem Sokha, à l'origine des mesures de répression prises par Hun Sen depuis 2017, est en train de se déliter. Hun Sen lui-même devra reconnaître qu'il n'existe aucune preuve sérieuse pour étayer cette accusation. Un juge aux ordres de l'exécutif vient de déclarer -- après n'avoir rien trouvé de concluant pendant une recherche de plus de deux ans -- que l'enquête sur Kem Sokha était close. Hun Sen devra alors soit innocenter Kem Sokha et lever toutes restrictions sur ses droits et libertés, c'est-à-dire le réhabiliter complètement, soit organiser très vite une farce judiciaire pour le faire condamner pour un crime imaginaire, ce qui serait inacceptable pour l'Union Européenne. En effet, même si la condamnation de Kem Sokha était suivie d'une grâce royale, un tel arrangement à titre personnel ne serait pas de nature à restaurer la démocratie et l'état de droit. Ce sera aussi le moment de vérité pour l'Union Européenne qui montrera son respect -- ou non -- des normes de vérité, de justice et de démocratie qui font partie du socle des valeurs qu'elle affiche aux yeux du monde entier.

Sam Rainsy
Co-fondateur, ancien président et président par intérim du CNRP.

L'équipe dirigeante du CNRP, actuellement réfugiée à l'étranger, comprend le président par intérim du parti nommé après l'arrestation du président Kem Sokha, deux vice-présidents sur trois (Mu Sochua et Eng Chhai Eang) et quinze membres du comité permanent sur vingt cinq qui occupaient leurs postes depuis avant la dissolution arbitraire et illégale du parti par Hun Sen en 2017.

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